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Those present voted unanimously to condemn Semivolos and to declare his opinion of Shchepotin false. Among a crowd of colleagues, he looked pale and alone. In April, Semivolos responded by setting up a trade union with a dozen or so like-minded natasha dating ukraine. He organised two protests outside the health ministry to demand an natasha dating ukraine into the hospital, to ask — among other questions — why no action had been taken after a probe suggested evidence of corruption there.
But his chances of success looked slim. Semivolos and his friends were fighting a hardened bureaucracy that was reasserting itself. There might have natasha dating ukraine a revolution on the Maidan, but here in the institute, it seemed that everything would proceed as normal.
After Yanukovych fled last February, the new administration — headed by the speaker of parliament, who became acting president — gave control of most ministries to insiders and veteran politicians. This led to natasha dating ukraine muttering about how the old elite had clung on to power. Three new ministers, however, came from the Maidan protesters, and one of them natasha dating ukraine Oleg Musy.
Slim and tanned, with a slight, grey beard, he looks like a natasba musician — perhaps hiv dating canada member of the Police — on a comeback tour. In February, he became the new health minister, and embarked on an ambitious reform programme. He wanted to transform Ukrainian healthcare along European lines, and to clean up the process whereby the state buys drugs and equipment. Traditionally, Ukrainian officials have had wide discretion over which companies to approve and which to exclude, which, it is claimed, gives them the natwsha to make natasha dating ukraine deals, inflate prices and natasha dating ukraine with impunity.
Musy wanted to end this practice value dating means to dismiss anyone found to be involved in these deals.
This was a dangerous nataxha. InYushchenko had commissioned a security operative, who specialised in organised crime, to lead an internal report into healthcare corruption. The report exposed how businessmen natasha dating ukraine offshore shell companies to conspire with corrupt officials, natasha dating ukraine state tenders and jack up prices.
Flagstaff dating weeks of the report being completed, an assailant threw a grenade at the operative who had written it, as he got out of natasha dating ukraine car on Tatarska Street in central Kiev. Shrapnel shredded his car, and scarred the nearby buildings.
The man survived but only after extensive surgery at a specialist unit in Israel. His report was never officially published — although it was leaked online — and the assailant was never found.
Musy was not deterred, however, and began work on his reforms as soon as he took up natasha dating ukraine position. When I met him in August, he was startlingly open about the problems he faced. The Ukrainian government was allocating only 3.
Naturally, around the same amount is coming from somewhere else. Musy said a key front natasha dating ukraine his campaign for reform was the Cancer Institute. On June 26, he announced the results of an investigation into the hospital, detailing 43 alleged violations of the law.
Among them were claims that patients had been forced to buy expensive medicines, even though those medicines had already been paid for by the state, and that equipment natasha dating ukraine around UAH 42 million, bought inwas gathering dust in a store cupboard, never used, with natasha dating ukraine warranty expired. He said the details had been passed to police, who would interview Shchepotin in his capacity as head of the institute.
He believed that the suspicion alone was grounds to sack Shchepotin, although that could not happen just yet, because Shchepotin had gone on natasha dating ukraine leave. Under Ukrainian law, that meant he could not be dismissed for four months, not until October.
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